| Many people defending the (apparent) killing by parliamentary means of the anti-marriage amendment, including many BMG readers, have argued something like the title of this post in defending their views. I understand that position, and it carries a lot of rhetorical force.
But ultimately, I don't think it works. And the reason is this: any change to the state Constitution, whether proposed via the initiative or by a legislator, must survive a popular vote in order to be effective. So if you say there are certain subjects that should never be voted on, you are saying that there are certain subjects that should never be the subject of a constitutional amendment. To me, that's not a tenable position. |
| Consider, for example, the process for amending the U.S. Constitution, which of course involves no popular vote -- Article V requires the concurrence of 2/3 of each branch of Congress and 3/4 of the state legislatures. If the misguided effort to amend the US Constitution to bar states from recognizing gay marriage had ever been successful (which seems much less likely in light of the election, thank goodness), there's no plausible argument that the effort was somehow illegitimate, is there? The process is the process, and if proponents can get the votes, they can amend the Constitution to say any damn-fool thing they want. Outlawing gay marriage, outlawing flag burning, outlawing abortion, it's all fair game.
I can't see any reason why the same shouldn't apply to the Mass. Constitution -- our process is different, but the principle is the same. The Constitution is the charter that defines our government. If the people or their elected representatives lack the power to change it in any respect, they lack the power to control and define their government. That's just not consistent with democracy as I understand it. The job of the courts is to interpret the Constitution. But the people must retain the authority to alter the document that the courts interpret. Otherwise, the courts really have become an oligarchy, and that's a step down a very rocky road.
After all, "constitutional rights" are simply those rights set forth in the Constitution, sometimes as interpreted and explained by the courts. I don't agree with those who say that the Goodridge decision was "judicial legislation," because I think the decision was a perfectly defensible reading of the document that was before the court. But I can't see how it does not remain open to the constitutional amendment process to alter the document that the court was reading. So to say that "constitutional rights shouldn't be on the ballot" doesn't really make sense given our system of amending the Constitution, which requires that proposed amendments go to the ballot.
Now, perhaps it's too easy to amend our Constitution -- after all, there are only 27 amendments to the US Constitution, while we're up to 120. If that's the case, though, then the proper course is to alter the amendment procedure (a change that must be initiated by a legislative amendment). Until that happens, we're stuck with the process we have, and the ballot is an essential part of that process.
Note, by the way, that the point I'm making here doesn't necessarily argue against killing the proposed amendment by parliamentary means (though I'm not a big fan of that either). The question whether the legislature should take "final action" (i.e., an up-or-down vote on the merits) on every proposal before it is distinct from whether certain issues should or should not be on the ballot. My point here is that, given the process we have, I don't find persuasive the argument that certain constitutional issues by their nature shouldn't be on the ballot. |